Should someone holding the most consequential position in a country be required to demonstrate that they can still perform the job, rather than being presumed capable simply because they were elected or have years of experience?
We have become much better at extending human life.
But it does not automatically follow that everyone who lives longer should remain eligible for every position of responsibility for as long as they wish.
Imagine a situation in which a leader receives conflicting reports suggesting that an adversary has launched a missile.
They may have minutes to decide whether to retaliate, wait for confirmation or seek additional intelligence.
A sound decision requires emotional regulation, an ability to evaluate uncertainty, a willingness to challenge initial assumptions and an understanding of the potential consequences.
The ability to regulate emotions, consider alternative explanations and avoid impulsive decisions can be extremely important.
Now, consider Trump's statement about Iran on 7 April 2026. The self-declared lifetime Chairman of the Board of Peace warned that an entire civilisation could die if Iran did not meet his demands.
More recently, on 5 October, Trump said Iran could effectively be allowed to strike Los Angeles and San Diego, describing such a loss as a small price to pay.
These statements raise serious questions about presidential communication, strategic judgement and the potential consequences of threatening language.
Where a decision could trigger a nuclear exchange, it is perfectly reasonable to ask whether the decision-maker's relevant capabilities are regularly and independently assessed.
In fact, the greater the consequences of failure, the stronger the argument for rigorous safeguards and accountability.
To lead a country is a position carrying enormous responsibility. It should require demonstrable, current competence, while age-related changes and the pace of technological advancement deserve serious consideration.
And there is another deeper problem: experience can also become a liability. Experience is generally considered an advantage in leadership, and often rightly so. But experience is accumulated in a particular historical context.
A leader who spent decades dealing with conventional military threats might initially interpret a new technological threat through familiar assumptions.
A leader who experienced previous economic crises might favour solutions that worked in the past but are poorly suited to present circumstances.
Ageing can affect people differently, but scientific research has identified several changes that can become highly relevant to leadership; processing speed, working memory and executive function.
Consider someone educated in the 1940s, 1950s or 1960s, who learned about the world through the scientific models, medical knowledge and technological assumptions that have since changed considerably too.
Is someone born in 1946 truly the right person to lead their people into 2027?
Imagine someone born in 2026 becoming the leader of a country in 2106.
They would be educated initially in a world that might seem almost unrecognisable to the people they govern.
A person born in 2026 has no special entitlement to lead a country in 2106 simply because they have survived for 80 years.
They would need to demonstrate the necessary judgement, understanding and ability to govern the society that exists in 2106.
So, why should the principle be any different for someone born in 1946 leading a country in 2026?
The issue is not whether older people deserve to lead.
It is whether anyone should be permitted to exercise extraordinary responsibility without demonstrating that they remain capable of doing so.
There is a reasonable case that national leadership has become more demanding as the world has grown technologically complex and strategically interconnected.
There is also scientific evidence that some cognitive abilities change with age, although the effects vary substantially between individuals.
Neither fact proves that an 80-year-old is unsuitable for office.
Together, however, they provide a basis for asking whether current systems adequately assess and manage the risks associated with placing immense power in the hands of any individual.
A sensible approach would focus on functional ability, independent scrutiny, institutional safeguards and accountability, rather than assuming that age alone determines competence.
The important point is not to diagnose Trump from his remarks. It is to ask what standards we should expect of any person exercising such authority.
Political rhetoric may be calculated, exaggerated or intended to influence an opponent. We cannot reliably infer a person's internal psychological state from rhetoric alone.
And there is another consideration worth emphasising;
A country should not have to wait for an obvious failure before asking whether its leadership arrangements are adequate.
For offices involving nuclear authority, national security and decisions affecting millions of lives, assessing risks before a crisis occurs is part of responsible governance.
Research suggests that some aspects of cognitive functioning change with age, including processing speed and certain executive functions.
But these changes vary considerably between individuals.
It would be wrong to conclude that Trump's statements are caused by his age. There is no sound basis for making that causal inference from public remarks alone.
Nevertheless, his age provides a reason to discuss a broader institutional question: should the fitness of people holding exceptionally powerful offices be assessed through robust, independent safeguards rather than assumed from their electoral success or previous experience?
Such safeguards would need to protect against political manipulation and distinguish medical fitness from disagreements over policy or personality.
The world changes, the demands of leadership change, and the consequences of poor judgement can be enormous.
No leader should be exempt from reasonable scrutiny simply because of experience, status or electoral victory.
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